As Edouard Balewa, the Director-General of ZBC, settled down to work in his bare, efficient electronic headquarters there was no doubt in his mind that he was in charge of the most important program in the history of broadcasting. The peace of the world could depend on its success. It was particularly poignant for a Congolese, who was aged fifteen at the time of the Congo Crisis of 1961, to be involved in trying to save two continents from a bloody race war neither side would win, and his dedicated sense of mission was conveyed to all those with whom he negotiated for their participation.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡTeXQI5j7JM
When Sonoda Omezo, the Japanese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, had asked if he could call on him at the broadcasting headquarters, Balewa had been flattered although a little puzzled by the latter's insistence on coming to ZBC.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡh9MHogyxGX
The Ambassador went straight to the point with Balewa. He needed his help in using broadcasting to stop the collapse of the world order and the dread possibility of World War III. Diplomatic channels were too slow and too narrow; military lines of communication were both too secretive and too trigger happy. "To save the world from being destroyed by an unfair division of black and white, we need to bring all the world into the picture. That can only be done by broadcasting.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡuZMp10PbnM
Omezo proposed that ZBC should organize a global linkup of responsible ministers and authorities in the main power nodes of the world and the current flashpoint of the world: Japan, China, the USA and USSR, and Western Europe; and the main flashpoint, Africa.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡIwe0RY6XCX
The linkup would take place the following day, Sunday, at a time convenient to Africa, North America, and Western Europe. The subject would be the creation of a new order to prevent a possible nuclear war over Africa, and the means to reverses the squandering and erosion of its natural resources which could destroy the Dark Continent in a decade. The object of the discussion was early action through an executive conference as proposed by China and Australia. The first step was to persuade the necessary and involved powers to attend.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡBdBoD2GnJP
Getting the statesmen to take part was not all clear sailing; this was very short notice, the plan was unprecedented, and the idea of such serious diplomacy being conducted so publicly was quite abhorrent to many top people with long experience in world politics. Yet in the long run the argument that this was a perfect opportunity for them to state their case in what had become a battle for men's minds brought acceptance from nearly all. Even South Africa was eager to seize the chance, though the (new) government spokesman made it clear that the regular Sunday Cabinet must have precedence so that the statement could only be made when that had finished.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡnBvZdVILla
The one predictable exception was the Soviet Union which had no tradition of being involved with the public or its opinions. The Kremlin simply refused, saying that such appearances were inconvenient at this time. When Balewa asked Ambassador Omezo if Japan would intervene for Africa, Omezo replied that it was not worthwhile.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡUACe1BfbxR
British PM Thatcher's Press Secretary, whom Balewa spoke to first informally, was not very keen on the idea, on the curious grounds that "we seem to be getting an awful drubbing on TV just now, and I don't want to add to it." However, when Balewas spoke to the Treasury Press Office he found himself within minutes talking to the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson, aggressive as usual, was willing to face his critics abroad, but insisted on an absolute assurance that none of his critics at home (the Archbishop or the Commonwealth Group) would appear as well. Having been assured that he would be the only British participant, Lawson was graciously prepared to accept.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡm4rJtC091p
Donald Regan's office said that they were quite unable to give a firm answer until much later, pleading extreme pressure of work. The real reason was much more complex: the TV story on Friday night that the US Navy might be sending a task force to help the South Africans had a quite unexpected repercussion. In the Norfolk, Virginia naval base the story was featured next morning on the local radio and at 9 a.m. there was a mass meeting of black servicemen who believed they were about to be sent overseas to defend the racist South African regime. The meeting sent a signed message to the base commandant stating that if this were so they would refuse to embark.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡG79df7Mfk8
Captain Metcalf, the acting commandant, sent back word immediately to the 300 men to wait where they were since he wished to meet them and hear the grievances. Accompanied only by a lieutenant he listened to their story and denied categorically that there was any intention of sending any naval vessel to South Africa. There was scattered hand-clapping at this news, but in general the men looked sullenly disbelieving. Captain Metcalf took a quick decision: "All of you, having said that you refuse to obey lawful orders, are guilty of mutiny, and will remained confined to this gymnasium complex until I receive further orders."
The Captain immediately informed the Defense Department of what he had done, saying that he hoped by this action to delay news of the mutiny for getting out until it could do no harm.
Secretary of Defense Weinberger recognized that he had an acute crisis of discipline, politics and public understanding on his hands. He himself took control of the disciplinary aspect, but asked his staff to do what they could to stop any public discussion of the Government's policy towards the increasingly severe but still obscure South African crisis. It was for this unstated reason that Regan's office was unwilling to agree in advance to join the SCAN summit on Sunday.
However, it is hard to keep a secret for so long in so communicating a society as the United States. A signals technician, having nothing better to do locked up in the gymnasium, used his CB radio to call his girlfriend at WHLQ, the local soul music radio station. He gave her full details of their protest and detention---with some embellishments. By early evening the story of the mutiny, further embellished and enlarged, was on the SNN broadcast system, and soon thereafter in ever military and naval establishment of the United States.
The time for cover-up was over; the time for a clear statement of American intentions had arrived. It was, however, with considerable foreboding that Secretary Regan sent a message to Tokyo late on Saturday evening agreeing to appear on the summit program. He new that as a senior Cabinet member he could effectively deny any intention of sending troops to South Africa, but he wondered if the news which was starting to emerge from that country would not make this seem more like an act of cowardice than of principle.
What troubled him even more was the nagging doubt that such a denial would be sufficient to prevent the mutiny from spreading. A full 1/3 of the armed forces could be classed as having natural sympathies with Africa with which the United States was now virtually at war; how long could their loyalty be depended on?
Seeking company in his affliction Regan called Lawson in London. The two men agreed that the Anglo-American team should play together during the TV debate to achieve certain objectives: to save South Africa from anarchy, but without the intervention of American troops, which would mean that the lead role would have to be taken by Britain; to avoid being trapped into a conference such as that proposed by China, at a moment of negotiating weakness; to work towards an internationally negotiated economic settlement when the industrialized world was in a position to negotiate from strength.
This conversation reinforced the confidence of them both that they could manage this unwelcome TV appearance to their mutual advantage.
The timing of the SCAN summit (forenoon in North America, afternoon in Europe, late evening in Africa) gave Omezo the advantage of a full day of preparation. He drove Balewa wild by telling him in great detail about camera angles, and how to bring in the participants from their capitals, and what signals he would give....: with all the professionalism of a total novice.
But in terms of modern diplomacy in the nuclear age Noburu Takeshita, the Japanese Finance Minister was far more professional and clear-sighted than any of his colleagues in foreign or finance ministries. While the Anglo-Saxon's tough economic policies had succeeded in breaking the backs of the poor nations in Africa, this had not been followed by their surrender and return to the Western economic system, but by militant anarchy. In an age where nuclear know-how and weaponry were widespread, the terrifying possibilities of nuclear blackmail and terrorism against which the whole apparatus of nuclear deterrents was completely ineffective were already being demonstrated by an unlikely enemy.
Takeshita's intention was to bring Africa and the West together in a conference about economics, about the division of Africa's resources between its poor and the rich West, even though it was perfectly apparent to him that the outcome of any conference would have to be more favorable to Africa than to the West.
From the Japanese point of view some accommodation with Africa was obviously desirable, but could the Governments of the U.S., Britain and West Germany be persuaded to attend a conference where there would be no winners on the Western side? Takeshita reckoned that if they agreed to take part in a televised program, because they wanted so desperately to state their case to a world audience, they could not refuse before this audience to attend such a conference. It was to bring this pressure of world opinion to bear that Takeshita had insisted, with many excuses, on holding the preliminary negotiations in public. In a final preparation Takeshita telephoned Ye Jaichin in Beijing. Speaking in English the two ministers agreed that the SCAN summit must not be just a TV spectacular, nor an attempt to win popularity in one's own region. It must be the forum for laying the foundations of a global compact between the industrialized world and Africa. The negotiations themselves would take months, maybe years to complete, but they agreed that these could not even begin until the two sides found some common basis of understanding.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡRK3XXkeYgE
Ye Jaichin proposed and Takeshita accepted that the two of them should try to create such a basis at the outset, from their opposing points of view on tactics, but united in their belief that such a compact was necessary, possible and urgent. Both sadly accepted that while Western Europe would agree about the urgent necessity of successful negotiations, Britain and the United States were at least for the time being much more intransigent. One main task of this summit was therefore to try to bring the Anglo-Saxons to their senses. Ye Jaichin was quite prepared to leave the Soviets out of any future negotiation, but Takeshita stressed the necessity of involving the USSR at the earliest opportunity.
As Takeshita settled into his chair at KBC's No. 1 studio while tiny bird-like women dabbed at is broad forehead with their powder puffs, Dr. Balewa told him with some pride that 97% national television networks had bought into the summit, giving it the largest ever potential audience. Takeshita asked when the presentation from Johannesburg would take place? Balewa replied that Johannesburg would call in as soon as the Cabinet meeting ended and would be inserted as soon as there was a natural break. "I do not want a long intervention from either city," said the Minister, "but I do want time to give a vivid impression off what it is like to live directly under the shadow of nuclear weapons that have been primed for action. Now, I will not ask you again: What is the news from South Africa?"
Balewa had to explain that he could, at this time, only communicate with Cape Town because Johannesburg and Pretoria were still largely blacked out by the explosions in the reef, but the South African radio technicians seemed confident that they could work things out in time to allow the (new) PM to participate. The countdown began, the lights went up and the Takeshita opened the television summit.
Takeshita had prepared his opening remarks very carefully. He spoke in English because he was aware that his target audience, and the main potential barrier to his success, were English-speaking, it also happened to be the language that was common to Ye Jaichin and himself.
He explained in logical detail why Japan, as the only nation to have suffered nuclear bombardment, felt its prime duty was to prevent the world from rushing down the slope to nuclear war. At this moment mankind stood on the edge of the abyss with nuclear weapons at the ready around the world, not just in the hands of the two superpowers. If in the next few days the contending powers did not agree to negotiate, the world would plunge into that abyss---from which there was no return.
But what were they to negotiate about? It was to answer that question that he had arranged this unique global linkup of the world's leaders, not in the secrecy of well-guarded places but in the full view of their populations, whose future was at risk. First, it was not negotiation about nuclear disarmament. The nuclear threats of China and African nuclear explosions of recent days reflected the intense strains created by the wasteful and inequitable management of the Dark Continent's resources. The solution to such problems did not lie with ministers of defense but with ministers of finance like himself.
Indeed, nuclear capability, the whole insane apparatus of mutual destruction, was in no way relevant to the problems of Africa. "The so-called nuclear deterrent does not deter those who send their bombs by bicycle in a brown paper bag, or in a miner's tool kit. It does not deter the weaker societies of Africa from successfully terrorizing the vulnerable, more sophisticated societies of the West.
"Are we in the industrialized world ready to limit our consumption of the Dark Continent's finite resources? Or are we going to fight to hold on to what we claim is our fair share? For fight we will have to, and it will be fighting such as the South Africans have been exposed to in recent days.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡBVIxL6wf6x
"The destruction of the mineral wealth of South Africa, the pricking of the credit bubble on Wall Street, and the disruption of domestic peace in America and Europe is surely sufficient proof that the West does not have the power to hold down Africa without risking the lives and well-being of all of the world's peoples."
In the dry incontestably logical way in which the finance minister was used to closing his budgets, he now drew the inevitable conclusions from these premises:
"There is really no option for us all as citizens of this one world but to work out a way of co-existing with the desperate Africans. We in the industrialized world have never seriously considered the practical effects of what it would mean if we really accepted the right of 4/5 of the world's population to a larger share in the use of their own resources. It is now time to do so.
"The Chinese Minister of Economics will now speak for his country, as populous and as poor as the Africans with whom they now claim solidarity."
Ye Jaichin had carefully analyzed the TV broadcast he had made before Christmas and was determined to improve on it for this crucial occasion.
He began by stating flatly that the present world economic order could not survive with its growth confined to the biggest consumers, something must be put in its place which gave the lion's share of resources and more rapid growth to Africa, whose condition of life was unacceptable to the conscience of mankind. And since Africa's resources were fast being exhausted, the solution did not lie in redistributing surplus stock.
In energy, for instance, the price mechanism had successfully produced a surplus of oil, but it was at such a high cost that the poor, unfortunate Africans could not afford it and so had turned back to wood. This had resulted in the destruction of so much of the continent's forest land that if it continued it would wipe out most of Africa's natural forests in the near future, with devastating consequences of global climate and the preservation of fertile African soil. For the black African, topsoil was far more precious and far more endangered than any supply of fuel oil.
Ye Jaichin looked up from the notes he had openly been using and spoke directly to the camera: "The new world economic order must be based upon a sound ecological order. Neither Africa nor the West, nor even we in the Orient, dare not squander limited and nonrenewable resources, and we must not consume renewable resources faster than we replace them. This presents great problems of self-discipline, as both sides must now recognize that the future of the Earth rests in their own hands.
"First of all, Africa and the West must curb population growth and begin the long process of reducing population levels. We in China have taken some necessary measures in our one-child family program. Under the post-conflict order similar programs must be introduced in Africa. This will demand strong governments prepared to impose harsh sacrifice upon their peoples.
"At the same time, the West must curb its consumption, starting with a program limiting the growth of consumerism. I, for one, have lived in consumer societies such as the United States and I know how hard it will be to make this politically acceptable, but it is essential. It will mean in the United States and Europe an end to the exponential growth in the use of energy---less two car families, more bicycles, less cars, some national limits on the consumption of imported fuel oil and so, probably, gasoline rationing. Less creation of frivolous demand by advertising, more creation of an understanding of the needs of Africa through a better use of communication. In the developed world there will always be sufficient food, but there need be less circuses. The agricultural policies of Europe and America need radical change, so that the best farm land in the world does not create useless butter mountains or wine lakes, but serves Africa with its surpluses, especially by building buffer stocks in those regions where famine strikes regularly through flood or drought."
The global re-allocation of resources, he went on, could not be made solely by market forces, which always favored the high consumer. It must be made by rational negotiation. That was why he had proposed that the global conference should be based on the Bretton Woods system, which had always been designed to modify the market system by peaceful negotiation between unequal partners. The outcome he hoped for was the emergence of an Africa Central Bank to allocate resources according to the interests of both Africa and the West---which was what President Kolingba had proposed thirteen months ago.
"But the Anglo-Saxon powers decided to use their voting power, reflecting their financial power and ultimately their military power, to veto that proposal. Decisions by voting depend ultimately on consent or coercion. Africa withheld its consent; today America and Britain with a handful of satellites are attempting coercion. I say to them, and to the Soviet Union, coercion will not work; you have chosen weapons to fight each other which are irrelevant in the struggle with Africa.
"Once this is fully understood in the West the way is open for the greatest imaginable saving of resources---disarmament. I do not speak of total disarmament, nor of a peaceable kingdom where Africa lays down the spear and the eagle, bear and dragon will pound their tanks into tractors, but I do say to the West---to the peoples and their governments---that if you find it hard to re-allocate resources towards Africa, consider how much funding could be diverted from the sophisticated multimillion-dollar weapons of mass destruction that give you such questionable protection. And to the governments of Africa I would say: you will need to have force to back the harsh programs that alone can make possible sustainable development. But the force you should use is your abundant labor force, and not the expensive weapons that find their way to you from the West and are sold to you at crippling prices."
When Noburu Takeshita's anxious face came back on screen it was clear that he was shocked by the radical proposals made by the Chinese, but he was also struggling with the unaccustomed problem of chairing a TV show, watching six monitors and receiving instructions on his earphones at the same time. After a pause he announced hesitantly that the next speaker would be Donald Regan, US Secretary of the Treasury--but the only real message he had for this unorthodox summit was that there was no chance of the US attending any meeting in Kenya or anywhere else until the terrorist campaign against his country had been called off. At the present moment US territory was being invaded by private armies from all over Africa. Having penetrated the frontiers of the US they were waging their undeclared but very real war in every major city of America. In the past week, Regan added ominously, the US had felt compelled to strengthen its task force on Ascension Island and place it on red alert.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡam1EAyG7Kz
Until those responsible for these territorial aggressions gave proof of their sincere intention to cease and desist, the US could not negotiate on an issue which he had himself originally branded publicly as "aggression in the economic mode."
This was tough talk but it did in fact provide the basis for a bargain: call of your terrorism and we will talk. But the subsequent reply from Africa offered no hope that this was a realistic basis for negotiation. President Kalingba, speaking from Kenya ad Chairman of the United Nations Committee on Restructuring and Development for Africa (UNCORDA), inevitably responded that it was the US economic policy which had caused the influx of illegal African immigrants into the United States. Rather wistfully he implied that the same policies had destroyed constitutional government throughout Africa and if the US Government wished to address the true military power on the Dark Continent it should address itself to the Anti-Racial Militants, not the President of the Central African Republic.
Minister Boyer Salvador of Spain, representing Equatorial Guinea, added to Regan's sense of isolation by a short but fiery speech attacking the Anglo-Saxons and supporting China's proposals for both the conference and its agenda.
Once again Takeshita stopped the flow of debate---just as Nigel Lawson was about to have his say---so as to bring in the long-awaited report from South Africa. This time he was more cautious in his announcement, saying only that the speaker would be "a member of the South African Cabinet which had been in almost continuous session since the nuclear devices began to explode in their minds two days ago." A pause, covered by a stock shot of Table Mountain, then a fade-in of a very farouche, bearded black man. "I am Thabo Mamabolo, the head of the Provisional Restructuring Government of SROUSA, the Socialist Republic of the Union of South Africa. The former illegal government of South Africa fled the country a few hours ago. We did not hinder them in any way, and there is now no organized resistance. In two months, 1,000 of us blacks, aided by the Black Hand movement but all working inside of our native land, have overthrown the government of 4 million whites, who have oppressed our people for two centuries. Those who have not fled need not fear; we will find them a homeland--probably down near Cape Town---where they can enjoy some measure of self-rule.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡHB8t6BYVct
"This is not a revolution, it is the restoration of the natural rulers of this land and the leaders of this continent. Our first task is to restructure South Africa so that it can play its part in restructuring Africa and so the world---for the Africans cannot continue to be forever the world's proletariat.
"If, as I understand, you plan a global conference for reforming the world's economy we would expect to attend and play our proper part in building the post-conflict order...."
There was a quick fade and then without a break, on the same satellite beam, the Commonwealth Secretary-General in Lagos appeared ecstatically, saying tearfully, "Welcome to our rother Thabo Mamabolo. Our continent is once again all ours."
Nigel Lawson immediately followed and showed rather less agility than Regan in coping with this astonishing announcement. After a full 5 seconds of dumbfounded silence he pulled himself together and with great self-control began to speak.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡ4AK5uDJWpE
"We were asked whether we would attend a conference in Kenya to discuss collaboration between Africa and the West and the post-conflict order. I have always been open about my desire to see Britain and the rest of the industrialized world independent of Africa, not interdependent with it. I strongly suspect that most of Africa shares that wish. But that does not mean that we do not care about each other, or that we should not plan our separate existences so as to avoid harming each other.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡdbqv6P9fYm
"I would gladly attend such a conference, if it were well prepared, but as Secretary Regan has said, we will never, never meet to discuss cooperation while we are under unprovoked and unjustified attack by the foulest means, such as spreading disease, poisoning our water supplies, trying to wreck our financial system...."418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡ2k9qX42TV0
For the first time Takeshita used his override button and brought himself back onto the screen. He did not want to risk a final angry negative from the British or from Regan, whom he could see on one of his monitors signaling for recognition.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡnVYzCu1PTs
Takeshita's summing up was brief and pointed. He noted that a government that had relied on a nuclear shield had been overthrown, which demonstrated that nuclear weapons could not shore up an unstable structure. But it was vital to understand that terror against governments was a symptom, not the disease itself. To rid the world of the overhanging fear of nuclear destruction it was necessary to deal with the disease and do so quickly. The conference to draw up the compact on which the post-conflict order could be based would meet in four weeks' time.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡYsWp7tMRU2
"I take it from what has been said here today that all who have been invited will attend and send representatives to participate in the planning sessions, which will take place here in Harare in the next few days.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡve7aJZhRjt
"In the 28 days between now and the conference in Kenya on February 1, 1986, let each of the responsible powers back away from the abyss. Issue no threats, carry out no escalation of violence. There is hope for the future of mankind, but it is still a very fragile hope."
Looking at his monitors, where he could see both Regan and Lawson frantically seeking recognition, Noburu Takeshita closed the TV summit.418Please respect copyright.ＰＥＮＡＮＡxtF7TP8Gy2
